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الرئيسية > التجربة اليابانية : دراسة تاري...>الوصف

التجربة اليابانية : دراسة تاريخية في ثنائية التقليد والتحديث 1952 - 1972

المؤلف الرئيسي: عباس، صالح حسن عبدالله (مؤلف)
مؤلفين آخرين: القيسي، محمود عبدالواحد محمود (مشرف)
التاريخ الميلادي: 2012
موقع: القادسية
التاريخ الهجري: 1432
الصفحات: 1 - 184
رقم MD: 612697
نوع المحتوى: رسائل جامعية
اللغة: العربية
الدرجة العلمية: رسالة دكتوراه
الجامعة: جامعة تكريت
الكلية: كلية التربية
الدولة: العراق
قواعد المعلومات: Dissertations
مواضيع:
اليابان
التاريخ الحديث
العادات والتفاليد
رابط المحتوى:
صفحة العنوان     
قائمة المحتويات     
24 صفحة الأولى     

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المستخلص: This dissertation is a study of an important topic related to the contemporary history of Japan, that is (The Japanese Experience a Historical study of the duality of Tradition and Modernization1952- 1972), which analysis and explains the way that Japanese people followed to rebuild their nation, state and society. Japan emerged from the Tokugawa-Meiji transition as the first Asian industrialized nation. Domestic commercial activities and limited foreign trade had met the demands for material culture in the Tokugawa period, but the modernized Meiji era had radically different requirements. From the onset, the Meiji rulers embraced the concept of a market economy and adopted British and North American forms of free enterprise capitalism. The dissertation consists of an introduction, four chapters and a conclusion. Chapter one is a study of (the originality of the phenomenon of Tradition , modernization , and modernity up to 1952 ), chapter two tackles ( the new Japanese politics between the stabilities of tradition and the winds of modernization), chapter three deals with Japanese phenomenon: Tradition, modernity and excellence), and chapter four studies ( the Japanese society and the duality of conserving the renew selfness). Through the study of the topic under consideration, we reached the following conclusions: The government was initially involved in economic modernization, providing a number of "model factories" to facilitate the transition to the modern period. After the first twenty years of the Meiji period, the industrial economy expanded rapidly until about 1920 with inputs of advanced Western technology and large private investments. Stimulated by wars and through cautious economic planning, Japan emerged from World War I as a major industrial nation.

The Economic reforms included a unified modern currency based on the yen, banking, commercial and tax laws, stock exchanges, and a communications network. Establishment of a modern institutional framework conducive to an advanced capitalist economy took time but was completed by the 1890s. By this time, the government had largely relinquished direct control of the modernization process, primarily for budgetary reasons. Many of the former daimyo, whose pensions had been paid in a lump sum, benefited greatly through investments they made in emerging industries. Those who had been informally involved in foreign trade before the Meiji Restoration also flourished. Old bakufu-serving firms that clung to their traditional ways failed in the new business environment. It is known that modernization, as far as technology and science are concerned, emerged after the Industrial Revolution, which was triggered by the invention of spinning machinery in England during the late eighteen century. In Japan, as well as in other Asian countries, modernization has often been confused with Westernization. This is because modernization, when it occurred in these countries, quite often meant accepting Western culture and resulted in great changes of everyday life. Westernization would mean that a certain indigenous cultural element of the traditional East is replaced by the penetrating Western element, and the functional role of the former is taken over by the latter.Modernization, on the other hand, basically means to remold a cultural system into a new mode. In the case of Japan, the adoption of Western clothes, food, hair styles and houses can be regarded as a part of Westernization. Although these things gave Japanese people some convenience and a smell of new culture, the functions they performed were almost the same as those which indigenous substitutes had fulfilled in earlier times. On the other hand, the introduction of telephones, TV, airplanes, mass communication, bureaucratic institutions, and so forth can be considered to be a part of modernization because they contain the potential for enlarging the spheres of life and broadening one's outlook, and furthermore transform ways of thinking, patterns of behavior and world views. It definitely means remolding a cultural system into a new form.

This remolding will not always produce good effects such as a dignified style of life and social stability, although it is necessary and indispensable for improving the living standards of each citizen. This is because introducing western elements into non-Western countries may sometimes cause serious friction and tension with the traditional cultures. Traditional culture, if understood in a broad sense, indicates all human activities such as religion, philosophy, moral standards, laws, politics, economic, society, history, literature and art, such as have been preserved, learned and transmitted in a given community or group over a long period of time. In this paper I shall confine my attention mainly to the religious traditions of Japan. Focusing upon this point, I shall mention several factors which have supported modernization in Japan, and also try to point out some of the adverse effects brought about by that same modernization. Peripherality is probably one of the traits which have contributed to Japan's modernization. Japan is geographically located on the periphery of culturally developed countries such as China, and has become accustomed to accepting foreign developed cultures. Japanese people have maintained a great interest and curiosity in imported things, including religion and science. This is why Japanese people never felt any strong resistance against the introduction of Western culture, both spiritual and material.

Emphasis on this-worldliness rather than other-worldliness also worked in favor of modernization in Japan. This emphasis actually means the value-worldly values rather than to other-worldly ones, and their ideals have to be realized in this world. It is obvious that this value-orientation is dominant in the Shinto tradition, but a more thorough examination is necessary to determine its origins. In Japanese mythology there is scarcely an account explaining the other world, although some people say that there is one exception. That is the tale of izanagi-no-mikoto's visit to Yomi (Hades). This tale, however, concludes with promises of development and prosperity in this world. Shinto does not have any eschatology as such. Shinto's view of history is a "cyclical type," if we may use Prof. Eliade's terminology. In the Shinto worldview, history permanently repeats itself in a cyclical manner similar to the agricultural calendar. In Shinto mythology everything is thought to be immature and imperfect at the beginning, and then to become gradually better and better as long as men's endeavors and the protection of the gods continue. We may call it an optimistic worldview. This tendency did not change even in later periods of Japanese history. According to Mr. Kunio Yanagita, the hope of common people in Japan after they die is to stay on in this world, to keep spiritual contact with their offspring, and to give them blessings. From the early modern period until the end of World War II, religion and national unity had been maintained quite successfully in Japan. This is represented by the fact that a tremendous number of Shinto rites and festivals based on the solidarity of natural groups were performed everywhere in Japan. This tradition still exists culturally in the present day, but it is different in one way or another from pre-war times. Such rites and festivals were performed publicly in pre-war times and in the Meiji period by regional public bodies, whereas this is not the case nowadays. Thus, the manner in which rites and festivals were performed in pre-war times was traditional in the sense that it had been handed down for many years. In ancient times there was the Jingi Seido (whereby the nation itself performs rites for gods who protect the people and the nation), and the bakufu and daimyo in the Edo period gave their support to Shinto festivals. The imperial system has held a central position in Japan since prehistoric times, and has been quite effective in integrating Japanese people in the process of modernization. Emperors have been not despots and exploiters but figures who mainly controlled the balance of power among competing leaders. Japanese people have not always maintained as emperor-centered orientation throughout their history. However, without the emperor system and the leadership of Emperor Meiji, Japan would not have been successful in becoming a modernized country in the Meiji era. Prof. Josefa M. Saniel is quite right in this point. According to Prof. Saniel, modernization in the Meiji period was so sweeping that large revolts would have occurred in the case of another country. Without the emphasis on chu (loyalty to lords) and ko (final piety) peculiar to the emperor system and family system, such acute changes in political, such acute changes in political, social and economic systems could not have occurred even in Japan.

The high level of education in pre-modern Japan also contributed to rapid modernization. Catholic fathers who came to Japan in the sixteenth century for missionary purposes held the intellectual ability of the Japanese in great esteem. The philological study of Confucianism was advanced by Sorai Ogyû (1666-1728) earlier than that of the Ch'ing Dynasty around that time in China. The study of Buddhism by Nakamoto Tominaga (1715-1746) and the study of the Manyô-shû by Keichu (1640-1701) also attained a high level of scholarship. Tadataka Inô (1745-1818) took measurements for the whold of Japan and made a map of it without using any advanced instruments. The accuracy of his map was confirmed by the Americans who came to Japan with M. C. Perry in 1853. They carried out their own measurements of the Tokyo Bay with more advanced instruments, the results of which showed little difference to Inô's map. Through Hirado and Nagasaki, Japan continues to receive various kinds of stimulation of from China a

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