| المستخلص: |
Arabic dialects hinge on various phonological processes such as resyllabification in order to overcome the undesirable forms. While there are cases where the CVCC syllable shape is retained as is in the surface form in Northern Najdi/ Ḥā’ili Arabic, a CV.CVC syllable shape surfaces, in other cases, as a result of resyllabification together with the help of an epenthetic vowel to prevent the CVCC syllable shape with a coda cluster from surfacing. Utilizing an Optimality-theoretic framework to examine the environments of coda cluster in HD, I find that a CVCC monosyllabic super heavy syllable with a coda cluster could arise through three ways where sonority is concerned; first, CVCC does exist when there is falling sonority between the first member of the coda cluster and the second. Second, CVCC does surface when there is flat sonority between the final two consonants, specifically fricative-fricative, affricate-affricate or stop-stop. Third, CVCC is retained when there is a rising sonority between affricate-fricative, stop-fricative, or stop-affricate, where the first sound represents the first member of the coda cluster and the second represents the second member. In contrast, the CVCC super heavy syllable shape is resyllabified into CV.CVC with the help of an epenthetic vowel when there is a rising sonority between the first member of the coda cluster and the second. However, glides are not allowed to surface word finally, but a corresponding vowel surfaces instead. The repair strategies employed are to epenthesize a vowel between the two members of the coda cluster and resyllabify the CVCC syllable shape into CV.CVC.
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