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|f Discussion trends refer to general observations taken from the experiences of the Arab Spring revolutions. The most important ideas included in these dialogues and discussions were the following: The concepts of collective action and democratic management were absent, as the methods of dictatorship regimes themselves were devised in the structures and methods of managing youth organizations after the revolution. Young people need five things to activate their role in the transition period. These are the transition from coordination to alliance; sustainability of practice and mobility; investment of knowledge expertise; penetration and geographical spread beyond capitals; and renewal of the youth component and its symbols. Young people are not required to remain united, as was the case during the first days of the revolution. There is no way for young people to engage in political action effectively without diversity. After the dictator was overthrown, the youth lacked a clear project and (did not) melt into a real organization that reflected the revolution. It is necessary that the rebel should rule if he is to complete the revolution. Secular Islamic polarization was created by political elites captive of their history haunted by the clash in the 1970s, unlike young people who exceeded this ideological polarization. The failure of the revolutionaries was like backsliding from building institutions that accommodate the general public. Falling into captivity of political money was one of the negative manifestations because of the competition by those with a special agenda that did not correspond to the interests of the revolution. We should not be overly optimistic or pessimistic, regardless of the stumbling that the revolutions are experiencing now, and young people are advised never to declare defeat as long as the battle exists. The predicament of revolutions is the overlap between two legitimacies: the legitimacy of the revolution and the legitimacy of the electoral fund, which has made it difficult to form a formula that agrees between the two legitimacies. The continued existence of the tyrant and killer of his people puts everyone in trouble. The composition of the system has continued to make it a safety valve for the interests of those who join it and their existence. We see recognition of this in the negotiations. The question of finding a real alternative that will push the tyrant out of the future scene slipped away. The main crisis is our value consistency and our true defense of justice, freedom, and dignity at the level of movement. Some revolutions focused on political demands, while the social and economic demands raised by the popular incubator of the revolution have been neglected. The counter-revolution, which used information based on intimidation, fear, and seduction on its part, succeeded in attracting large popular sectors. The predicament of identity division has cast a shadow over the opposition and is seeking to find sectarian representations within it, sensing that it is no longer acceptable if a Kurdish is not representing a Kurdish. It is an organizational impasse that has been repeated in Arab spring countries in one way or another. It is important to consider bypassing it through a consensus nature to define these identities and to find a formula through which these identities are integrated with interaction rather than competition. The Arab Spring revolutions did not adopt radical measures for change but were subject to an adaptation movement that redefined them. Their color reduced from red to orange and finally to white revolutions, and from a violent movement to a velvet movement. Here arises the following question strongly: Why do revolutions and some of their fundamental forces not embody themselves politically in society and bring about radical change? The role of young people was away from parties and originated in parallel coordination and media by young organizations, while traditional opposition did not coordinate and did not support young people; rather, they competed with them. •Revolution is one of several other tools, and it is not erroneous. Failure in a round of revolution does not mean the impossibility of change and the impossibility of the resumption of the revolutionary situation. • In some revolutions, the fields witnessed violations, and there have been perceptions that make it a revolution against a person or group without being a revolution for certain values. These revolutions also did not have a goal to have an ethical review tool, which has carried them with some reasons for failure. • Revolutionary youth should put forward the alternative they want, in line with the historical moment, for which the lack of alternatives is one of the biggest impasses. • The predicament of revolutions is the inability to agree on the future and what (type of) society we want. The external intervention happened to tamper with our answer to this question, along with intrusions and polarizations between modernist and Islamic forces. • Some revolutionary forces failed to turn away from their rigid convictions. They lacked the ability to find the “path and middle option” between the offer of authoritarianism and its return and the offer of armed chaos. Revolution forces also did not reach commonalities and specific definitions of what we wanted. • There was confusion between the goal of overthrowing the dictator, the goal of gaining power and replacing the dictator with a better revolutionary man. It was required to put forward a better alternative to governing the country. However, we only replaced the head of power, while real and radical change did not occur, and the reality of marginalization and economic and social rights deterioration remained. • It was necessary to exercise the approach of the Revolutionary Party, and instead, we started the traditional party state. • Islamists have their own mistakes, but secularists have also been involved in breaking the revolution and its unity by charging the conflict with Islamists to terrible levels. • When the movement moved from youth coalitions to parties and youth to old political leaders, the impasse emerged, as young people retreated and older people occupied the political sphere. • How do we confront and break repression machines? How do we make the revolution take root in every inch of the country? How can we promote effective leadership? All remain important questions in processes related to reviving revolutions. • The international factor has moved from an external factor to an influential internal factor by the work of some internal forces for the interest of the outsider and by imposing his considerations on the movement of the revolution. • It is not possible to talk about the impasse of the revolution without international interventions, supportive and unsupportive. Why did ISIS grow up? Why has the option to remove Assad faded? The world is responsible for these two things. It has promoted them and legalized the reasons for their existence, overlooked them and their size. • As revolutionary forces, we fell into dependence on the political process established on the terms of the regime. From it began the revolutionary scene to reverse. • The question of what we would like to do is one of the most important questions, but some revolutionary experiences have failed to produce a dream narrative or an inspiring idea. • The revolution put Islamists in the state exam and modernist currents in the democracy exam. The result was that the two parties failed the exams because of their polarization situation. • It is of utmost importance that various forces active in the revolutions should complete the reviews. There is also a need to address future issues and human rights and distinguish between the requirements of the revolution and the requirements of the democratic transition process. • What is required is a state of rationalization of violence, resistance, and self-defense. The answer to the important question is to distinguish between force and its employment in all its manifestations and violence. Violence is one of the issues that must be looked into in-depth because it may thwart revolutions and give the tyrant cover for unleashing unlimited violence. However, confronting the international system with systemic violence is a duty that cannot tolerate collusion or hypocrisy. • Being plagued by the culture of authoritarianism that has affected all, including Islamists, Marxists, nationalists, and progressives, must be given the attention it deserves to get out of this authoritarian intellectual and cultural impasse. This abstract was translated by AlMandumah Inc.
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